Many of the problems that have developed between some European nations and the U.S. over the past several years have come from leaders of "Old Europe" nations like France, Germany, Belgium, etc., while a great deal of support and true alliances have been demonstrated by countries such as those in the Baltic States. The vote yesterday is a huge blow to many of the leaders in Old Europe, especially French President, Jacques Chirac, who more or less staked his presidency on this issue. Clearly, he understood his unpopularity as the president of a country with unemployment at a five year high of over 10 percent when he urged the people not to make the vote a

on his government. What a leader! "Yes, I know that I'm a lousy president. I know that you all hate me and that I have run this country into the ground, but that's not what this is about...so just do what I tell you to do. Trust me on this." Uh, sure.

It appears the French didn't buy it, shocking as that may be based on some of the other stuff they've bought into, and that is exactly what happened. To make matters even better, following this defeat, calls for Chirac's resignation were issued. Of course, no strong Frenchman like Chirac would ever retreat or face defeat; never cower in the face of danger, political or otherwise (OK, well, forget about World War II...and the Iraqi war...and...alright, never mind, I can't even say that with a straight face). Suffice it to say, there is too much arrogance on the part of Chirac to ever resign in the face of such humiliation. Instead, he'll probably stand like his "great" predecessor, Charles De Gaul, who had the nerve to stand before his people and give credit to the French troops for their great victory and the defense of France against Germany in World War II without so much as a "thank you" to those who prevented them from having to learn German, and declare some sort of delusional victory. As

Europe deserves better than the political class and the political discourse (to use a European formulation) that it has been stuck with. In this respect, the leftists rallying in Paris against the constitution last Wednesday were right to insist that their "No" was "A hopeful No." This is a moment of hope--for the prospects for a strong, pro-American, pro-liberty, more or less free-market and free-trade, socially and morally reinvigorated Europe. In any case, as Le Figaro's Ivan Rioufol suggests, the referendum, whatever its outcome, has already had a "liberating effect." Rioufol explains, "It introduced freedom of speech into the French political debate. Until now, the political oligarchy and the media's politically correct group-think had silenced any critical mind. . . . The people's revolt and their demand for 'true talk' are sweeping away the old political scene and its political correctness."

Behind the sturdy images of a forthright Europe on the road to a bright future lurks the shadow of a shameful antisemitism that has soaked into the very skin of European society. Economic stagnation and plus 10% unemployment eats away at France'’s elegant foundations. Life has become harsh, violence of all sorts is on the rise. The strong euro is no help to French wage earners. Social services are breaking down. Anti-war pro-Palestinian anti-American activism has not even brought hollow victories. Man can not live by bluster alone. Democracy is leaking out of this tattered Europe. As national sovereignty is handed up to the higher echelons of the European Union, citizens lose their grip on the affairs of state. For all its brand name institutions --—parliament, executive, commission, president and now secretary of state--—the EU does not have a democratic infrastructure. It is recreating something like an old fashioned European empire where the ruling classes hobnob together in feasts and palaces, and dictate their will to the people. In the absence of grass roots power, commoners, with no constructive means of expression, resort to the sullen refusal to work, freedom to throw a monkey wrench into the system, go on strike on a holiday weekend, burn down an occasional factory. Some serious analysts of the Constitutional Treaty describe it as a blueprint for gridlock. Neither streamlined nor democratic, a far cry from a system of checks and balances, it institutionalizes ingrained European mistrust; every initiative will be vulnerable to blockage regardless of its scope or thrust. Good old fashioned power politics will be played on the ruins of this fictitious harmony. And France still seems to cherish dreams of grandeur.

Labels: David C. Price